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Recent years have seen the emergence, take-up and use of the term 'policy mix' by innovation policy makers and by policy analysts and scholars alike. Imported from economic policy debates, the term implies a focus on the interacti...
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Recent years have seen the emergence, take-up and use of the term 'policy mix' by innovation policy makers and by policy analysts and scholars alike. Imported from economic policy debates, the term implies a focus on the interactions and interdependencies between different policies as they affect the extent to which intended policy outcomes are achieved. However the meaning of the term remains ambiguous. Nonetheless, we argue that the emergence of the 'policy mix' concept into common use in the field of innovation policy studies provides us with a window of opportunity to reconsider some basic and often hidden assumptions in order to better deal with a messy and complex, multi-level, multi-actor reality. We draw upon a range of literatures to re-conceptualise the basic building blocks of innovation policy studies in order to arrive at a useful definition of'policy mix' tensions and interactions of different kinds across a series of dimensions. We suggest that this reconceptualisation has important implications for the future scope and focus of prescriptive and analytical innovation policy studies.
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The concept of "policy advisory systems" was introduced by Halligan in 1995 as a way to characterize and analyze the multiple sources of policy advice utilized by governments in policy-making processes. The concept has proved usef...
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The concept of "policy advisory systems" was introduced by Halligan in 1995 as a way to characterize and analyze the multiple sources of policy advice utilized by governments in policy-making processes. The concept has proved useful and has influenced thinking about both the nature of policy work in different advisory venues as well as how these systems change over time. However, to date this work has examined mainly cases of developed countries and its application to developing and transitional countries is less certain. This paper sets out existing models of policy advisory systems based on Halligan's original thinking on the subject and assesses the findings of many existing studies into OECD countries that advisory systems have been changing as a result of the dual effects of increased use of external consultants and others sources of advice - "externalization" - and the increased use of partisan advice inside government itself - "politicization". Determining whether or not such changes have also characterized the situations found in developing and transitional countries and at the international-domestic and state-sub-state levels is the subject of the papers in this Special Issue.
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The literature is ambiguous about whether regional innovation systems (RIS) evolve bottom-up or top-down. This is reflected in RIS policies, which tend to focus on either development of the actor level, i.e. organizations in a RIS...
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The literature is ambiguous about whether regional innovation systems (RIS) evolve bottom-up or top-down. This is reflected in RIS policies, which tend to focus on either development of the actor level, i.e. organizations in a RIS, or the system level, i.e. the support structure for innovation. Here, we analyzed a Norwegian RIS policy programme, the Programme for Regional R&D and Innovation (VRI), which aimed to combine both approaches. We found that VRI mainly developed the support structure for innovation and that learning outcomes from VRI involvement in organizations differed between the involved actor groups. This is particularly so for RIS development in regions inexperienced with support structure development prior to VRI involvement. Conversely, in regions with well-functioning support structures prior to VRI, the focus was most beneficially on stimulating learning at the actor level. We argue that future research should investigate mechanisms and interlinkages between the two levels and especially their regional particularities.
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Noise exposure has harmful effects on human health. Despite policy on the prevention and reduction of noise, the environmental burden is increasing, specifically due to road traffic noise. Noise policy in the Netherlands is organi...
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Noise exposure has harmful effects on human health. Despite policy on the prevention and reduction of noise, the environmental burden is increasing, specifically due to road traffic noise. Noise policy in the Netherlands is organised in a rather complex way, with different legal frameworks for the various sources of noise. Whereas noise limits have frequently been adjusted in the traffic noise policy subsystem, the industrial and aviation noise policy subsystems are characterised by stability in norm setting. This paper aims to explain the differences in dynamics within the noise policy subsystems, by applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). We conclude that the dynamics in the traffic noise policy subsystem is mainly due to two adversary coalitions advocating legislative arrangements to accommodate respective spatial claims. The stability in industrial and aircraft noise policy subsystems is explained by 'balanced' coalitions and a dominant economy coalition, respectively. We identified the (only) path to policy change in Dutch noise policy to be cross-coalition learning in which 'policy brokerage' might be crucial. We conclude with some reflections on the use of ACF in empirical research and the role of professional forums and institutional arrangements in stability and/or change in policy subsystems.
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The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has implemented Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD+), a process that requires inclusive decision making and accountability. Our research analyses the participat...
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The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has implemented Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD+), a process that requires inclusive decision making and accountability. Our research analyses the participation of policy actors in DRC by asking: (1) Who is involved in national REDD+ policy making and what is their interest in participating in core policy events? (2) What level of participation do the different political actors have in core policy events? (3) To what extent do the outcomes, of REDD+ policy events incorporate different preferences of policy actors? We found that although actors' interest in REDD+ policy events have increased over time, their concerns have rarely been taken into account in decision-making processes. The presence of local civil society and indigenous group organizations is weak while international organizations play a major role in the REDD+ arena. REDD+ is treated as a project rather than being embedded in national politics.
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This article addresses incentives and barriers for the development of biogas production and use in transport. It is based on statistics, interviews with biogas actors in a Swedish region, as well as a literature study. These actor...
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This article addresses incentives and barriers for the development of biogas production and use in transport. It is based on statistics, interviews with biogas actors in a Swedish region, as well as a literature study. These actors perceive that the stagnating vehicle gas demand is the major barrier for biogas development. Policy support could stimulate the vehicle gas demand to strengthen incentives for investments along the entire biogas value chain. There are opportunities on the supply side to increase biogas production based on waste and residues, to improve digestate handling, and to expand the gas distribution infrastructure. However, the sector perceives a high risk in biogas investments partially due to the low predictability of Swedish policy instruments and this, together with the stagnated demand for vehicle gas, are identified as the main barriers for biogas development. Thus, policy makers should focus on these barriers if the intention is to develop the use of biogas in transport.
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Despite evidence on the benefits of health enhancing physical activity (HEPA), only few countries have developed "health in all policies" and specifically integrated HEPA policies. Paucity of studies have questioned the role of pu...
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Despite evidence on the benefits of health enhancing physical activity (HEPA), only few countries have developed "health in all policies" and specifically integrated HEPA policies. Paucity of studies have questioned the role of public national actors in PA policies enactment and delivery, the barriers and levers for adopting cross-sectoral HEPA. The present work seeks at comparing France and Belgium in regard to their competencies of ministries promoting HEPA, the presence of leadership and coordination in HEPA policies implementation, their key public legal entities working on HEPA. Expert interviews and document analysis were realized to complete the HEPA policy audit tool in each country. Results have shown that HEPA cross-sectoral policies are at their early stage. A broad diversity of sectors was implicated in HEPA policies: sport, health, transport, environment, and education, but often with weak activity. No leadership or coordination exist to implement HEPA policies, although different public legal entities could work on this aim. Ministries relationships were principally coming from formal co-interventions mandated by national public plans in France, where in Belgium relationships were punctual. Lobbying within each sector and in key public legal entities to promote HEPA is needed, and the development of official national coordination is essential. (C) 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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The media is seen as an important player in road pricing policy implementation processes. Yet, it is not clear whether the media is actually a policy actor, like politicians or interest groups, which pursues a particular policy po...
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The media is seen as an important player in road pricing policy implementation processes. Yet, it is not clear whether the media is actually a policy actor, like politicians or interest groups, which pursues a particular policy positions. This paper empirically examines whether the Dutch news media was objective in its reporting of the Dutch road pricing policy debate (which took place between 1998 and 2010) or whether it acted as a policy actor through biased reporting. We applied Westerstahl's Objectivity Framework to the media coverage by five leading national newspapers. Our main conclusion is that the Dutch news media was not objective and acted as a policy actor in the Dutch road pricing policy debate. Although all the newspapers violated objectivity to the same degree, they clearly adopted different policy positions. One popular newspaper was negative and the other mixed whereas all three quality newspapers were positive with the exception of one which sometimes inclined to a mixed position. All newspapers generally maintained the same position over the relatively long period of the road pricing debate.
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With this paper I aim at refining the understanding of mechanisms of postaccession Europeanisation in the new member states by investigating the impact of EU cohesion policy on the Polish subnational policy actors involved in its ...
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With this paper I aim at refining the understanding of mechanisms of postaccession Europeanisation in the new member states by investigating the impact of EU cohesion policy on the Polish subnational policy actors involved in its implementation. Drawing on recent empirical evidence on the influence of EU cohesion policy in three areas-administrative capacity, strategic planning, and governance-I show that adjustment to the EU cohesion policy norms initially tends to be stimulated by cost-benefit calculation or constraint, which may involve 'shallow' adjustment. However, the study also reveals that over time, provided that EU-imported norms are in line with the actors' preferences, socialisation and learning mechanisms become more prominent. Moreover, I demonstrate that the subnational impact of EU cohesion policy remains uneven and differentiated depending on the actors' preferences, attitudes, and capacity.
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In recent years there have been calls among decision makers, interest groups, citizens, and scientists alike for the use of the "best available science" when making environmental policy and managing natural resources. The assumpti...
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In recent years there have been calls among decision makers, interest groups, citizens, and scientists alike for the use of the "best available science" when making environmental policy and managing natural resources. The assumption is that including scientists and the best available scientific information will improve the quality of complex policy decisions. Others have argued, however, that science and scientists are just one source of expertise concerning environmental management and increasing involvement will not necessarily lead to better policy. We report on a study examining the attitudes and orientations of marine scientists, resource managers, and interest group representatives concerning factors that may affect scientific credibility, the credibility of scientific research produced by various organizations, and perceptions of the ability of certain groups to understand scientific research. Using national random sample surveys and interviews of marine scientists, marine managers, and interest groups involved in marine policy issues conducted in 2011, we examine indicators of scientific credibility, data, research and reputation; the ability of scientists to communicate findings; and the role of scientists in the policy process. Further, we explore what factors contribute to credible science, the credibility of the science produced by various organizations, and the scientific literacy of various policy actors. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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